Sunday, January 26, 2020

Media Framing And Construction Of Reality Media Essay

Media Framing And Construction Of Reality Media Essay Over the twentieth century, the dominant position among scholars was that media and journalism should be governed by the values of detachment and objectivity, and so they could be credible (Schudson, 1990 cited in Watkins, 2001: 83). Nevertheless, this notion has been challenged by the researchers of critical studies of news media who have developed the view that media are not passive mirrors of society (Gitlin, 2003: 49), but, on the contrary, they play active and significant role in the social construction of reality (Kruse, 2001: 68). In other words, media do not just report news, but they socially construct them, namely they give a specific meaning to these events (Kruse, 2001: 67-68). The theory of social constructionism, which supports that what we know about world and ourselves is the result of social processes (Cromby and Nightingale, 1999: 4 cited in Johnson-Cartee, 2005: 2), has affected media studies to a significant extent. In this context, plenty of scholars (Brodyn and Page, 1975; Kraus and Davis, 1976; McCombs, 1979 cited in Johnson-Cartee, 2005: 2) believe that media provide us with the mosaics from which we build our own perceptions and accordingly, they might have significant effects on public and society. According to McQuail (1994), the whole study of mass communication has been founded on the assertion that media have important effects. However, the concept of media effects was not always the same, as there were significant variations from period to period and among different scholars. Additionally, there are studies that did not identify any significant media effect at all (Kingdon, 1984; Pritchard and Berkowitz, 1993; Walker, 1977; Wanta and Foot e, 1994 cited in Walgrave et al. 2008: 817). The social construction of news is achieved through the development and employment of frames (Kruse, 2001: 68). Gamson and Modigliani (1987: 143) have defined the frame as a central theme, an organizing idea or a story line that provides meaning to an unfolding strip of events, weaving a connection between them. As for the employment of frames by media, Entman (1993: 52) has stated that adopting certain frames means that media select some aspects of perceived reality and make them more salient, in such a way as to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation and treatment recommendation for the item described. As far as protest coverage is concerned, the literature shows that when media portray demonstrations and other protest events, they indeed employ certain frames (Brasted, 2005). The types of frames that are used and the factors that determine and influence the selection of these frames are described below. As far as the effects of protest coverage are concerned, there are studies that demonstrate that media portrayal of protests has significant effects on audience (McLeod, 1995; McLeod and Detenber, 1999). According to these studies, different frames of protest stories and different levels of intensity with which they are presented are likely to affect how audience perceives protest issues. However, according to Detenber et al (2007), these effects are weaker when media cover more familiar to the audience issues, because of pre-existing knowledge of public. Affecting the perceptions of audience, media coverage of protests may have an influence on the success of the movement itself, a s well. For instance, a positive coverage may encourage the involvement of people, while a negative coverage may lead to opposite results and may undermine a social movement (Entman and Rojecki, 1993). However, certain conditions may be required so that media mobilize people. According to Walgrave and Manssens (2000), media are more likely to mobilize public, if they are not polarized and have high rates of trust among the audience. In addition, in cases of simple and non-political causes and goals, media can achieve peoples mobilization (Walgrave and Manssens, 2000). 2.2 Relationship between media and social movements Over the last decades, significant studies have been conducted on the coverage of protest events by mass media. Based mainly on content or discourse analyses, scholars tried to describe how media portrayed various protest events and explain why specific patterns were used in the coverage. However, the relevant literature is mostly based on USA and UK studies and it is something that we have to take into account as in diverse settings the results may be different. It is important to consider the differences of Greek setting in terms of the media system and the political culture, as well as the particularities of the case that is under examination. Firstly, in order to approach the issue of protest coverage, it is basic to examine the literature about the relationship between media and social movements, in general. Although the case that is under examination, namely the December 2008 protest events in Greece, cannot be simply included in typical cases of social movements (protests were not organized by specific social movement organizations with clear and specific agenda, like in cases of anti-war or labour protests), the examination of the relevant literature is considered helpful. Baylor (1996) has supported that media and social movements have interdependent relationship. That is to say, on the one hand social movements need media and publicity to communicate their goals, to inform and motivate the public, as well as to gain supporters (Baylor, 1996). On the other hand, media search for copy and they are interested about stories that provide drama, conflict, action, colourful copy and photo opportunities, (Baylor, 1996). Soc ial movements and the actions that they choose to adopt, like demonstrations, provide that kind of stories. However, it has been supported that this and this relationship can be sometimes symbiotic and other times antagonistic, because media and movements need each other, but for different reasons (Gitlin, 2003). Gitlins study (2003) demonstrated that this relationship has undergone many changes. Sometimes, media might ignore a movement or might conflict with it, and other times, they might present it in a patterned way, or even cooperate with it (Gitlin, 2003). Many factors explain why media treat social movements and protest events in a specific way and they are analyzed below. The interaction between movements and media has also been considered asymmetric, which means that the relationship is not equal and generally, media are much more powerful than movements (Gamson and Wolfsfeld, 1993). For instance, the fact that a demonstration without media coverage is considered non-event, reveals the great power and supremacy of media nowadays (Gamson andWolfsfeld, 1993). Social movements do not have the power to control the media process, so even if they gain media coverage, they do not have much power over how media will represent their agendas (Brasted, 2005). In many cases, media coverage can result in distortion of movement agendas and goals (Baylor, 1996). Generally, critical media scholars share the view that media tend to marginalize or trivialize critical social movements and suppress critical voices, while social movement organizations do not have the power to ensure useful news access (Gitlin, 2003). This approach to movement-media relationship is highly connected with hegemonic thesis, introduced by Gramsci (1971 cited in Carragee, 1993: 330), according to which dominant classes struggle to preserve their ideological hegemony within the capitalist system and medias role in the maintenance of legitimacy of existing political, social and economic order is considered of high importance. This thesis has affected media scholars significantly, and until now, there are studies that show that media tend to delegitimize voices that challenge capitalist system and the leadership of dominant groups. Media hegemonic model has met a lot of criticism. Carragee (1993) tried to evaluate the debates around the media hegemony thesis and gave an overview of the main critiques around the issue. According to him , the basic challenging views of the model can be divided into two categories; according to liberal-pluralist perspective, media hegemony thesis is cancelled by the existence of diverse and opposing discourses in news content; according to neo-conservative approach, the model is questioned by the fact that there are oppositional and critical to political and market order, media. Hallin (1986 and 1984 cited in Carragee, 1993: 341), tried to refute the latter argument, demonstrating that for instance, media coverage of Vietnam War started to become critical, only when political elites in America stopped to indicate their consent. Finally, as for media-movement relationship, Barker-Plummer (1996) claimed that today this relationship has become much more complex and proposed the dialogic model instead of hegemonic. According to Barker-Plummer (1996), social movements are dynamic and not stable identities and they are characterized by contextual changes that hegemony model does not take into account. Movements and media interact each other and their discourses can affect each other as well (Barker-Plummer, 1996). Therefore, we cannot assure that media will always marginalize social movements. 2.3 Protest coverage As has already been mentioned, media adopt certain frames, when they report news stories. The selection of specific frames and patterns of coverage is influenced by numerous factors. As far as the protest reporting is concerned, it has been supported that media coverage is subject to selection and description bias (Smith et al., 2001). This means that media do not cover all protests that take place but they select to report some of them, besides they select to describe the selected events in a specific way. According to Smith et al. (2001), media cover only a small proportion of protests. Furthermore, their study demonstrates that even if a protest event receives media attention, media usually neutralize or distort its agenda and goals (Smith, et al. 2001). A plenty of researchers (Shoemaker, 1984; Beamish, Molotch, and Flacks, 1995; Husting, 1999; McLeod and Hertog, 1999) have showed that media commonly choose to cover protests in ways that marginalize the events, their participants and their causes. Particularly in cases in which protesters deviate from the norms and values of society and challenge the status quo, media try to delegitimize them (Shoemaker, 1984; McLeod and Hertog, 1992). There are various devices and techniques that are used for the marginalization of protest events (see below). In order to understand how media bias affects the selection and portrayal of news stories, and specifically protest stories, we should examine the basic factors that influence media framing. Smith et al. (2001) have emphasized the role of institutional logic of media organizations in adoption of frames. Analytically, the routine nature of newsgathering (namely, whether the events can be integrated into media organizational routines) and the reliance on official sources affect media selection and description of events (Baylor, 1996). The main reason why they use official sources extensively is the fact that these sources provide news stories with credibility and legitimacy, as well enhance the objectivity of news, or at least they create this illusion (McLeod and Hertog, 1999). Also, it has to do with issues of cost as well, because if media rely on sources that are considered credible, they do not need to invest much money for searching information (Herman and Chomsky, 1994). When of ficials, institutions, government, and other authorities like police are the dominant sources, then official definitions are highlighted (McLeod and Hertog, 1999). An idea that has influenced significantly the area of news production is the propaganda model, developed by Herman and Chomsky (1994), which has received hostile criticism, though. According to this model (Herman and Chomsky, 1994), the choice and the content of news are affected by a series of filters. Analytically, media ownership and their profit orientation, their close ties with political and economic elites, their dependence on advertising as a basic income source, as well as the heavy reliance of media on official sources influence what and how it will be reported (Herman and Chomsky, 1994). Herman and Chomsky (1994) paid particular attention to the role of money and power in the construction of news. In cases of protest coverage, these filters could play important role. Similarly, Smith et al (2001) have supported that media, as integral part of capitalist system, work in favour of powerful economic and political interests and they select and interpret the events in such a wa y as to reproduce ideas that support the broader power relationships of society. Accordingly, media are unlikely to cover sympathetically movements and protests that challenge the interests of the elites (Lee and Solomon, 1990). These ideas are highly connected with the hegemonic thesis that was described above. As far as the debates over Chomsky and Hermans ideas are concerned, Hallin (1994) has demonstrated that propaganda model contains failures. That is to say, according to him (Hallin, 1994), the model does not take into account other forces that could work in different direction from that of the described filters, for instance journalistic professionalism and objectivity. However, it is important to mention that according to Hallin and Mancini (2004), journalism in Greece is characterized by low levels of professionalization, besides it is common for Greek journalists to express their views and their comments along with the presentation of facts, and so it is difficult to discern their opinions from the facts. Additionally, propaganda model has been criticized for taking ruling class interests for granted and considering them homogenous (Knight cited in Klaehn, 2003: 363). This means, that media do not take diverse interests and conflicts, which might exist among elites, into consideration. In response to that, Herman and Chomsky (1988) have stated that media present elite controversy and debates, but only when elites disagree on specific tactics and not on fundamental ideas. Based on these ideas, the indication of literature (Boyle et al. 2004) that media are more likely to marginalize deviant protest groups that criticize the foundations of capitalism than groups with less radical goals seems rational. Other scholars have challenged propaganda model, claiming that media are pluralistic (Doyle, Elliot, and Tindall, 1997), while Hacket (1991 cited in Klaehn, 2003: 366) have demonstrated that media, under certain conditions, can express oppositional and different views. For instance, if a v iew challenges individual state policies and does not suggest significant and wide alternatives, then it can be expressed by the media (Hackett, 1991: 281 cited in Klaehn, 2003: 366). So, Hackett seems to agree with Chomsky and Herman on that media do not express discourses that challenge the fundamental principles of capitalism. Although Chomsky and Hermans ideas were an area of great debate among scholars, literature shows that a great number of media scholars share the opinion that media play a central role in the maintenance of social order. McFarlane and Hay (2003) have claimed that media act as gatekeepers and supporter of the existing power structures. According to McLeod and Hertog (1999), media, are important agents of social control and thus, they convey social control messages, through which they reinforce the norms and mainstream values of society while they isolate and damn deviant actions and viewpoints. Various studies (Entman and Rojecki, 1993; Smith et al. 2001) have demonstrated that media tend to marginalize groups, actions, and viewpoints that challenge and criticize the existing power structures and political and social order. As a result, media will ignore or they will unfavourably cover protests with goals and agendas that challenge and criticize the economic system on which media rely heavily, as well as ideas that can destabilize market and capitalist order (Smith et al. 2001). However, it is important to mention that nowadays there is a significant trend toward rising of protests and generally of unconventional forms of political engagement (Milne, 2005). This trend can be attributed to the fact that more and more citizens are questioning government policies and elites, as well as to the decrease of participation in ordinary forms of politics, like elections (Dalton, 2004) and to the decline of political attachment (Whiteley, 2003). So, it has been supported that protests have partly become an accepted form of political involvement (Milne, 2005). That might have some effects on media coverage of these events. Milne (2005) has supported that sometimes media, and specifically print media (due to fact that they have been facing problems of reduced circulation numbers and facing a strong competition from internet), can have a positive attitude towards these unconventional forms of political involvement. Additionally, according to Milne (2005), newspapers can u se social movements and protest events as a tool to undermine some politicians or political parties, and therefore they may cover them positively. For instance, a newspaper, which is affiliated with a party that is in opposition, might support a demonstration that challenges the government and its policies. Consequently, in these cases media seem to be pluralistic and not hegemonic. Yet, it is important to examine whether media cover positively groups that challenge fundamental principles of the capitalist system, or they just question specific policies and tactics. Generally, literature has demonstrated that media have never supported radical protest groups that called into question the capitalism itself. Finally, it is important to take into account the particularities of Greek media system, because they might influence the way that media cover events like demonstrations. According to Hallin and Mancini (2004), media system in Greece belongs to the Mediterranean or Polarized model. That is to say, it is characterized by high political parallelism and low professionalization (Hallin and Mancini, 2004). Papathanasopoulos (2001) has claimed that despite the commercialization and market-orientation of Greek media, (the majority of media are private-owned, apart from the public broadcaster, ERT), their political instrumentalization is still dominant, that is to say there are outside political actors that control them. However, he has highlighted that nowadays media owners are much more powerful than politicians are, using media as a tool for political profits (Papathanassopoulos, 2001). So, Greek media cannot be considered neutral, but on the contrary, unabashedly partisan, sensational an d political (Zaharopoulos and Paraschos, 1993: 96). 2.4 Marginalization techniques As has already been mentioned, in many cases literature shows that media tend to cover negatively and marginalize protest events. The devices and techniques, which are usually employed for that purpose are described analytically below. Tone of headlines and articles Firstly, through the tone of headlines and the nature of articles, journalist can express their support or criticism against a protest group (Boyle at al. 2004). A protest story is covered negatively, when headlines pay particular attention to violent actions, to conflicts between protesters and police, as well as to arrests (McLeod and Hertog, 1999). Negative nature of a protest article can be indicated through many ways, for instance by focusing on cases of legal violations by the protest group and by emphasizing negative actions of protesters and more extreme aspects of them (McLeod and Hertog, 1992). According to Husting (1999), media commonly use the us versus them scenario in the coverage of radical protests. In other words, on the one side it is the society, the public opinion, all of us and on the other side the protesters, them. Furthermore, according to McLeod and Hertog (1999), journalists tend to use the episodic framing when they cover groups that deviate from the status quo, namely they focus on events and actions of protesters (e.g. violent acts, arrests, destructions) instead of presenting the issues raised by the group, like their agenda and their goals. The use of episodic frames contributes to the marginalization of protests because this way, protesters are performed just as acting and their acts are not linked with any cause, or any political context (Boyle et al. 2004: 49). It is important to mention that there are two important reasons that can explain why media choose that type of coverage. Firstly, because of pressure that deadlines and other limitations of media organization exert, there is not much time for reporters to investigate and analyze complicated issues that have to do with the goals of protesters and it is easier to focus on events (Boyle et al. 2004). Furthermore, protest events a nd actions are interesting and good news, for instance violent events and property destructions interest journalists significantly (Boyle et al. 2004). Story framing Mcleod and Hertog (1999) have identified several types of frames that tend to marginalize protest events and their participants. Firstly, the violent crime story is the most frequent frame and focuses on the violent acts of protesters. Journalists tend to highlight clashes between police and protesters and generally, they focus on the extreme aspects of the protest group; the ignorance of peaceful actions is also common phenomenon (McLeod, 1995). Secondly, the property crime story emphasizes the property destructions, for instances cases of vandalism (burning cars and buildings, breaking shop windows etc.). There is also the Riot frame that is quite similar to the above-mentioned frames and present protests as riots without any political context. An additional frame that marginalizes protests is the carnival frame, which represents protesters as performers within a spectacle who act without any political cause. Furthermore, the freak show frame focuses on appearance and other odd cha racteristics of protesters, like piercing, nudity etc. By making comments about the appearance, media manage to trivialize the goals and the political framework of protesters (Gitlin, 2003). There is also the Romper Room frame that presents protesters as engaging in immature and childish actions and the moral decay that presents protest events as an indication of the general decay of society. Lastly, the storm watch frame highlights the fact that protest groups may threaten the mainstream society significantly. What is interesting and at the same time contradictory is the fact that on the one hand, media seek to diminish the effectiveness of protest groups, but on the other hand, they exaggerate the threats that these groups may pose to society (McLeod, 1995). Reliance on official sources The reliance on official sources in the media coverage of protests contributes to the marginalization and delegitimization of the protest group, because official sources tend to support status quo and question the legitimacy of groups that challenge it (McLeod and Hertog, 1999). Furthermore, when media cover radical protests, they are unlikely to use members of the protest group as sources (Boyle et al, 2004). In this case, they are interested in dealing with actions, violence, and conflicts in order to delegitimate them, while they want to ignore issues raised by protesters (Boyle et al. 2004: 50). However, even if protesters are used as sources, then journalists usually paraphrase and distort their views, in order to delegitimize them (McLeod and Hertog, 1999: 319). Invocation of public opinion In cases of protests coverage, media invoke public opinion extensively in order to isolate and marginalize protest groups (McLeod Hertog, 1992). Media depiction of public opinion can take many forms. Journalists can make generalizations by providing general statements about public opinion, and showing that people are against protesters; phrases such as the national mood or most people feel, are common (McLeod and Hertog, 1992; McLeod and Hertog, 1999: 316). Another form of invocation of public opinion, but rarely used, is through opinion polls, (McLeod and Hertog, 1992; McLeod and Hertog, 1999). It has been claimed that if opinion polls demonstrate that the majority of people agree with the goals of protesters, then media may ignore or marginalize them (Entman and Rojecki, 1993). Whats more, media commonly invoke social norms, in order to show that protest groups and their actions deviate from these norms (McLeod and Hertog, 1992; McLeod and Hertog, 1999). The communication of norm violations is achieved by focusing on violent behaviour of protesters, on their non-conventional or strange appearance etc. (McLeod and Hertog, 1992; McLeod and Hertog, 1999). Media may also focus on legal violations (McLeod and Hertog, 1999). That is to say, legal issues and violations are highlighted, and protesters are represented as criminals. Media can also invoke public opinion by using bystanders who are either indifferent to protests or hostile (McLeod and Hertog, 1999). The application of the above-mentioned techniques depends mainly on the type and the goals of protests (Boyle et al, 2004). For instance, the extent to which a protest group challenges the status quo and the existing system determines whether and to what degree media will apply the marginalization devices in their coverage (McLeod and Hertog, 1999). It has been claimed that anti-war protests are more likely to receive negative and radical coverage than the labour or police protests, because anti-war protests call into question the social system (Boyle et al. 2004). Finally, it is important to note an important contradiction. As has been mentioned above, media are based on official sources largely because the credibility and the status of those sources help journalist to be objective. The use of episodic framing can satisfy the same goal. That is to say, media report events and actions that indeed took place, without expressing their views, so they can support that they are objective. But, on the other hand, it has been demonstrated that framing in terms of events as well as adoption of official definitions contribute to the marginalization of protests, which means that finally media are not so objective. Summary In general, the main arguments about media coverage of protest events are highly connected with the hegemonic thesis that supports that media play an important role in the maintenance of status quo. Although this idea has received a lot of criticism, it has affected media studies to a significant extent. Several studies have demonstrated that media have a tendency to delegitimize and trivialize groups that challenge capitalist system and the leadership of dominant groups. In cases of protest events, literature showed that media tend to ignore them and generally cover a limited number of them, while even if a demonstration gain attention, media choose to describe it in negative way, trying to marginalize it. This is more common in cases of radical protests, namely when they have radical goals and agenda and challenge the foundations of capitalism. The marginalization is achieved with the employment of various devices and specific frames. Nevertheless, the findings of the specific study demonstrated that, under certain circumstances, media can use a variety of frames and not only the negative ones and generally be more balanced, even if they cover some radical demonstrations. Particularities in terms of the nature of protest events, specific elements of media system, as well as some political circumstances can have significant influence on media portrayal of protests.

Friday, January 17, 2020

Indian Health Service: Creating a Climate for Change Essay

IHS is a very complex organization that serves the American Indian and Alaskan Native population. Effective health services for American Indians and Alaskan Natives had to integrate the philosophies of the tribes with those of the medical community. Because not all tribes signed treaties with the United States some people with Indian heritage were not eligible to participate with the federal government programs. Eligible people with Indian heritage were provided various services throughout the IHS programs; however, some IHS locations did not have the necessary equipment or facilities to provide comprehensive services. With the changing external environment and new demands, increasing need for services and shifting political picture, IHS must change internally to increase efficiency, effectiveness and accountability. IHS is very dedicated to respecting the local traditions and beliefs of tribes. IHS has not developed an adequate third-party payor system, has difficulty recruiting and retaining healthcare professionals and the population IHS serves has health status below the rest of the US. IHS must focus on implementing the Indian self-determination in order to increase the health status of the population to gain continued congressional funding and support. IHS wants to put healthcare back into the hands of the tribes. This is difficult because each tribe has different concepts of health and it is difficult to accommodate such a wide variety. Because of the scarce resources it will be difficult to determine which decisions and services should be centralized rather than decentralized. In order to implement the change, IHS should provide honest and open communication about the changes and how they will affect each tribe individually. IHS should also be responsive to criticisms and the individual traditions of each tribe. IHS should evaluate tribal satisfaction and health status outcomes to monitor the progress of the change. Key Issues 1. Why is the balancing of centralization and decentralization a major challenge faced by Dr. Trujillo? 2. What factors could impede changes to the Indian Health System? 3. How can Dr. Trujillo overcome some of the resistance to change? Situational Analysis Strengths Improved health status and decreased mortality in tribes 62% of healthcare workers were of American Indian or Alaska Native heritage Expansion of services provided to tribes Established scholarship and loan payback programs to increase the number of Indian healthcare professionals Weaknesses No third party payor billing system Recruitment and retention of professional staff Population’s health status is below the rest of the US Complicated organizational structure Limited equipment or facilities in certain areas Not collecting co-payments or deductibles Opportunities Increase the health status of the IHS population to gain continued congressional funding Indian self-determination Integrating the philosophies of the tribes with those of the medical community Federal recognition of tribes Strategic business plan to focus of revenue, cost control internal business improvements Threats No after-inflation increase in budget allocation Providing additional health services with little resources Tribes asking for more control over healthcare services Increasing funding for tribal contracts and compacts Stakeholders calling for major changes Organizational Strategy/Implementation Strategy 1. Why is the balancing of centralization and decentralization a major challenge faced by Dr. Trujillo? Stakeholders in IHS are calling for major changes while there is an evident need for new and innovative ways for funding. Balancing the centralization and decentralization will be a major challenge for Dr. Trujillo. A major challenge will be to determine how to shift the responsibility and accountability to the tribes. Dr. Trujillo will have to determine who will be responsible for supervision of these responsibilities and if adequate resources are available for the shift. It  is Dr. Trujillo’s hopes that this will increase tribal participation in IHS programs. It is often difficult to monitor and gather information in decentralized healthcare. It is also difficult to compare centralized and decentralized data. With the very different interpretations of healthcare in each tribe, it will also be a challenge to determine which services to centralize and decentralize. Financi al resources will have to be considered in the evaluation of centralized and decentralized services. It is important that tribes be able to fund their specific health programs but must also be able to stay within the allotted budget determined by IHS. This will also place an administrative burden on the tribes. It is important that the IHS determine the decisions and services most beneficial to the tribe to be decentralized in order to be efficient and effective in those communities. 2. What factors could impede changes to the Indian Health System? Lack of resources in certain areas and different tribal concepts of health could impede changes to the IHS. Without the resources necessary to transfer responsibility of health services over to tribes, the acceptance of tribal healthcare will be difficult. If resources are not available, tribes will not be responsive to the services offered. Determining the differing concepts in tribes could become conflicting with resources at times. The IHS has already tremendously improved the health status of its current population therefore, if tribal concept of health could be individually identified, IHS could reallocate resources and continue to provide primary care and education programs to those areas that would be most responsive. No increase in funding is another factor that could impede changes to the IHS. As tribes are continuing to sign treaties to be recognized by the federal government the service population is increas ing. Without sufficient funding it will be difficult to transfer the responsibility of services into the tribes. The shift in disease patterns and increase in elderly populations will only contribute to the increasing financial costs. Funding of IHS services also makes it difficult to recruit healthcare personnel. IHS could generate more revenue if the concerns about billing and collections were addressed properly. Proper training and controls would have to be implemented to adequately establish these services. The complicated organizational structure of IHS could also impede changes. The responsibilities of the IHS are interrelated and spread over  several organizations. It may become difficult to determine responsibilities in formal and less formal relationships especially if these responsibilities will expand into the tribes. 3. How can Dr. Trujillo overcome some of the resistance to change? A strategic business plan is already in process of being developed by a workgroup of tribal leaders, IHS personnel and private sector consultants. In order to overcome the resistance to change Dr. Trujillo must provide open communication between all stakeholders. Opening communication between all stakeholders will enable all concerns to be brought forward and addressed in the business plan. The goals of the new business plan should be communicated to each tribe efficiently with an explanation of how the plan will affect each tribe in meeting their individual goals. Regular meetings should be held to discuss the impact the business plan is having on the individual tribes and what concern or progresses the tribes are making. Opening communication can help reorganizing the current structure. IHS will be able to learn what concerns tribes have, how to train employees and the best way to implement the new changes. IHS shou ld be very observant during the change and respond to the tribe’s complaints while also praising their accomplishments. Starting out with pilot groups for certain services or ideas can be a great way to demonstrate how new services can be effective. This will influence other tribes to actually observe how a change may be able to work for them while also giving them a model to follow. Select individuals in each tribe should be identified and invited as a key member to participate in meetings to help lead the implementation of key strategies and health improvements. These individuals will be able to connect with members of their own tribes and communicate change in a way that honors the traditions and values of their tribe. Benchmarks for Success IHS will want to determine if their plans for change are successful. Below are multiple milestones that IHS should evaluate to monitor and determine if the implemented changes are successful: Are tribal culture, values, religion and traditions are respected when delivering health services Are proper resources being utilized to meet the individual tribe’s needs Are healthcare services being delivered more efficiently Are the changes meeting the health needs of the individual tribe Are billings and collections being captured accurately.  Is health status improving in different areas in different tribes Is health status improving in comparison to the rest of the US.

Thursday, January 9, 2020

A Personal Statement On Business Management - 860 Words

Business owners run this world, besides older people. Entrepreneur have responsibilities like no other job in the american nation. They employ everybody no matter the field. â€Å"Owning a vision† is the motivation that runs an organization to its highest point in power, or to the dirty ground (5). If you have the power to vision, use the same power to create that vision. â€Å"Providing the proper resources and build a culture† is another primary responsibility of an entrepreneur and is key (5). Choosing the right people to run a business to create a culture will bring moral and heights to your company. â€Å"Good decisions deliver the company s performance (5).† Life is full of decisions, and so being an entrepreneur is full of decision, good or bad, a choice needs to be made. While people work, entrepreneurs employ, which takes great responsibilities. Creating my own business has always been my dream since a little kid. 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Wednesday, January 1, 2020

Spotted Eagle Ray Facts

The spotted eagle ray (Aetobatus narinari) is a cartilaginous fish belonging to the eagle ray family of stingrays. Its common name comes from its distinctive spots, fins that flap like wings, and protruding snout that resembles an eagles beak or ducks bill. Usually, the ray is a solitary predator, but it sometimes swims in large groups. Fast Facts: Spotted Eagle Ray Scientific Name: Aetobatus narinariOther Names: White-spotted eagle ray, duckbill ray, bonnet rayDistinguishing Features: Disk-shaped ray with long tail, blue or black body with white spots, and flat snout resembling a duck billAverage Size: Up to 5 m (16 ft) long with wingspan of 3 m (10 ft)Diet: CarnivorousLife Span: 25 yearsHabitat: Warm coastal water worldwide, although modern classification restricts this species to the Atlantic ocean basinConservation Status: Near threatenedKingdom: AnimaliaPhylum: ChordataClass: ChondrichthyesOrder: MyliobatiformesFamily: MyliobatidaeFun Fact: Newborn pups look just like their parents, except much smaller Description The ray is easily recognized by its blue or black top dotted with white spots, white belly, and flat duck bill snout. There are five small gills on each side of the front half of the belly. The tail is very long and features two to six venomous spines located just behind the pelvic fins. A spotted eagle rays disk-shaped body can reach 5 meters (6 feet) in length, have a wingspan up to 3 meters (10 feet), and weigh 230 kilograms (507 pounds). In addition to its spots, the spotted eagle ray may be identified by its beak-like snout. Terry Moore/Stocktrek Images / Getty Images Distribution Prior to 2010, the species included spotted eagle rays living in warm coastal waters around the globe. Now the name only refers to the group that lives in the Atlantic, Caribbean, and Gulf of Mexico. The population living in the Indo-West Pacific is the ocellated eagle ray (Aetobatus ocellatus), while the group in the tropical East Pacific Ocean is the Pacific white-spotted eagle ray (Aetobarus laticeps). Only very recent sources make a distinction between the rays, which differ slightly in terms of genetics and morphology. While spotted eagle rays live in coral reefs and protected bays, they may migrate great distances through deep water. This is the historical spotted eagle ray range. Under modern classification, the fish only resides in the Atlantic, Caribbean, and Gulf. Diet Spotted eagle rays are carnivorous predators that feed upon mollusks, crustaceans, octopuses, and small fish. The rays use their snouts to dig in the sand to expose food, then apply calcified jaws and chevron-shaped teeth to crack open hard shells. Predators and Parasites Sharks are the principal predators of spotted eagle rays. Specifically, tiger sharks, lemon sharks, bull sharks, silvertip sharks, and great hammerhead sharks prey upon pups and adults. Humans also hunt rays. Spotted eagle rays host a variety of parasites, including the gnathostomatid nematode Echinocephalus sinensis (in the intestine) and monocotylid monogeneans (on the gills). Reproduction and Life Cycle Spotted eagle rays are ovoviviparous or live-bearing. During mating, one or more males pursue a female. The male uses his jaws to grasp the females pectoral fin and roll her over. When the rays are venter to venter (belly to belly), the male inserts his clasper into the female. The entire mating process takes from 30 to 90 seconds. The female retains the fertilized eggs, which hatch internally and live off the egg yolk. After a gestation period of about a year, the female gives birth to as many as four pups that are miniature versions of their parents. Rays mature in 4 to 6 years and live around 25 years. Spotted Eagle Rays and Humans For the most part, spotted eagle rays are shy, gentle creatures that pose no significant threat to humans. The intelligent, curious animals are popular with snorkelers. However, on at least two occasions, leaping rays have landed in boats. One incident resulted in a womans death in the Florida Keys. Because of their interesting pattern and the graceful way they fly through water, spotted eagle rays present a popular aquarium attraction. They have been successfully bred in captivity. Burgers Zoo in the Netherlands holds the record for the most births. Conservation Status The spotted eagle ray is near threatened in the wild, with a decreasing population trend. However, the latest IUCN evaluation occurred in 2006, which is before the fish was assigned to three separate species. The IUCN categorizes the ocellated eagle ray as vulnerable, while the Pacific white-spotted eagle ray has not been evaluated for conservation status. From a global perspective, including all three species, threats to the spotted eagle ray include severe population fragmentation, unregulated overfishing, bycatch, pollution, collection for the aquarium trade, and hunting to protect mollusk farms. Fishing pressure presents the most significant threat and is expected to increase. However, there are few portions of the animals range where the threat is lessened. The spotted eagle ray is protected in Florida and the Maldives and partially protected in Australia. Sources Carpenter, Kent E.; Niem, Volker H. (1999). Batoid fishes. The Living Marine Resources of the Western Central Pacific. Batoid fishes, chimaeras and bony fishes. 3. pp. 1511, 1516. ISBN 92-5-104302-7.Kyne, P.M.; Ishihara, H.; Dudley, S. F. J. White, W. T. (2006). Aetobatus narinari. The IUCN Red List of Threatened Species. IUCN. 2006: e.T39415A10231645. doi:10.2305/IUCN.UK.2006.RLTS.T39415A10231645.enSchluessel, V., Broderick, D., Collin, S.P., Ovenden, J.R. (2010). Evidence for extensive population structure in the white-spotted eagle ray within the Indo-Pacific inferred from mitochondrial gene sequences. Journal of Zoology 281: 46–55.Silliman, William R.; Gruber, S.H. (1999). Behavioral Biology of the Spotted Eagle Ray, Aetobatus narinari (Euphrasen, 1790), in Bimini, Bahamas; an Interim Report.White, W.T. (2014): A revised generic arrangement for the eagle ray family Myliobatidae, with definitions for the valid genera. Zootaxa 3860(2): 149–166.